参议院弹劾川普审判 检方开场白（一）
科学百姓 2020.1.25
译者注：美国总统的弹劾是众议院的独家权力，美国总统的审判撤职是参议院的独家权力。参议院根据众议院的弹劾决议来审判总统，有众议院的一个起诉委员会担任相当于检察官的角色，而参议院议员担任陪审团。以下是众议院起诉委员会主任委员希夫的开场白。
首席大法官，参议员，总统法律顾问、以及我们众议院弹劾起诉委员会同仁：
Mr. Chief Justice, Senators, counsel for the President, and my fellow House managers:
“当一个人在私生活上无原则、在获取财富上迫不及待、在性情上桀骜不羁、具备相当的才干、还有军人作风的先手（日常举止专横暴虐），当我们知道他喜爱私下耻笑自由的原则，当我们看到这样一个人驾驭他的人气加入危言耸听的团伙，称自由受到了威胁，抓住一切机会让政府机构难堪和被公众疑虑，迎合当下的极端分子的种种胡言乱语，那么可以有正当理由怀疑他的目的是制造困惑，以便可以 ‘兴风作浪’ 乱中取胜”。
“When a man unprincipled in private life, desperate in his fortune, bold in his temper, possessed of considerable talents, having the advantage of military habits—despotic in his ordinary demeanor—known to have scoffed in private at the principles of liberty—when such a man is seen to mount the hobby horse of popularity—to join in the cry of danger to liberty—to take every opportunity of embarrassing the General Government & bringing it under suspicion—to flatter and fall in with all the non-sense of the zealots of the day—It may justly be suspected that his object is to throw things into confusion that he may ‘ride the storm and direct the whirlwind.’”
这些话是亚历山大·汉密尔顿在致乔治·华盛顿总统的信中写的，时值1792年恐慌最严重关头，金融信用危机震惊了我们的年轻国家。汉密尔顿（财政部长）当时在国内旅行，针对华盛顿总统听到的一些报告而给出他的评估。汉密尔顿的意思是：面对危机，美国可能会从“共和制政府”陷落为“君主制政府”。
Those words were written by Alexander Hamilton in a letter to President George Washington, at the height of the Panic of 1792, a financial credit crisis that shook our young nation. Hamilton was responding to sentiments relayed to Washington as he traveled the country, that America, in the face of that crisis, might descend from “a republican form of Government,” plunging instead into “that of a monarchy.”
我们宪法的设计师们当时担心，一如我们今天担心，领导人上台可能不会执行选他上任的人民的意愿，而是追求自己的利益。他们担心总统可能会滥用总统职位的令人敬畏的权力，谋取自己私人或政治收益，颠覆我们的民主制。
The Framers of our Constitution worried then—as we worry today—that a leader could come to power not to carry out the will of the people that he was elected to represent, but to pursue his own interests. They feared that a president could subvert our democracy by abusing the awesome power of his office for his own personal or political gain.
为此，他们设计了一种与他们要遏制的邪恶一样威力强大的补救措施：弹劾。
And so, they devised a remedy as powerful as the evil it was meant to combat: Impeachment.
几个世纪过去了，我们共和国的创始人演变成几乎拥有神秘的品质。我们当然知道他们有缺陷，有些缺陷确实非常痛心和彰著（这里指的是诸如对印第安人的种族灭绝、奴隶制、对妇女的不平等，译者注）。但是如果谈到设计一个新的政府体制，设计一个他们自己从来没有见过、并且没有可以成功的保障的政府体制，我们不能不为他们的天才，甚至先知，而感到敬畏。他们的天才和先知在后来的历史一次又一次地得到验证。
As the centuries have passed, our Founders have achieved an almost mythic character. We are aware of their flaws, certainly, some very painful and pronounced indeed. And yet, when it came to the drafting of a new system of government, never seen before and with no guarantee it could succeed, we cannot help but be in awe of their genius, their prescience, even, vindicated time and time again.
也许由于他们为人的光辉和他们言辞的精彩，我们发现年复一年越来越难以把他们想象为常人。亚历山大·汉密尔顿就是其中之一，他的神奇一点儿也不因这几年以他的名字命名的歌剧《汉密尔顿》的名人效应而减弱。
Still, and maybe because of their brilliance and the brilliance of their words, we find, year after year, it more difficult to imagine them as human beings. This is no less true of Alexander Hamilton, notwithstanding his own return to celebrity.
但是他们是人，他们身体力行展示着人性的虚弱，也洞悉人性的虚弱。他们跟我们现代人同样能体会到权力如何会导致腐败，当我们努力揣摩当年的制宪者会如何应对我们当前审理的总统的如此不当的行为时，我们不应该想象制宪者们缺乏基本常识，或者拒绝将他们的基本常识运用于我们自身。
But they were human beings, they understood human frailties even as they exhibited them, they could appreciate, just as we can, how power can corrupt, and even as we struggle to understand how the Framers might have responded to Presidential misconduct of the kind and character we are here to try, we should not imagine for one moment that they lacked basic common sense, or refuse to apply it ourselves.
他们知道生活在一个暴君治下会是什么样子，他们曾冒着生命危险摆脱暴君的统治。他们知道他们当时在创建一个权力巨大的总统行政职位，他们知道需要约束这个职位。他们的意图并不是让后人动不动就诉诸弹劾，或仅仅因为政策分歧而动用弹劾。但他们将弹劾写入宪法有其原因：对付会颠覆国家利益追求自己利益的人士；对付想要通过邀请外国干涉在选举中作弊来永远保有权力的人士；对付不屑于宪法局限、无视或击败了其它享有平等权力的政府分支机构（译者注：即与行政当局地位平等的立法机关和司法机关）的人士；对付会相信宪法赋予他随心所欲无所不为的权利并精于欺世盗名的人士；对付相信自己超越法律不受制于任何人的人士。简而言之，对付要当国王的人士。
They knew what it was like to live under a despot, and they risked their lives to be free of it. They knew they were creating an enormously powerful executive, and they knew they needed to constrain it. They did not intend for the power of impeachment to be used frequently, or over mere matters of policy, but they also put it in the constitution for a reason. For a man who would subvert the interests of our nation to pursue his own interests. For a man who would seek to perpetuate himself in office by inviting foreign interference and cheating in an election. For a man who would be disdainful of constitutional limit, ignoring or defeating the other branches of government and their co-equal powers. For a man who would believe that the constitution gave him the right to do anything he wanted and practiced in the art of deception. For a man who believed himself above the law and beholden to no one. For a man, in short, who would be a king.
我们今天在这里，在这个神圣的房间里，在历史上第三次采取弹劾这一庄严的行动。因为美国第45任总统唐纳德·J·特朗普正像汉密尔顿和他的同时代人所恐惧的那样行事。特朗普总统在我们的民主选举中请求外国干预，滥用总统办公室的权力寻求外国帮助来增加自己连任总统的可能性。当他被抓现行时，他利用总统办公室的权力来妨碍对他自己的不当行为的调查。
We are here today — in this hallowed chamber, undertaking this solemn action for only the third time in history—because Donald J. Trump, the 45th President of the United States, has acted precisely as Hamilton and his contemporaries had feared. President Trump solicited foreign interference in our democratic elections, abusing the power of his office by seeking help from abroad to improve his reelection prospects at home. And when he was caught, he used the powers of that office to obstruct the investigation into his own misconduct.
为了实施其营私舞弊的计划，特朗普总统向乌克兰总统施压，要求乌克兰公开宣布启动两项业已被证明失信的腐败犯罪调查，让特朗普总统在2020年总统大选受益。当乌克兰总统没有立即照办时，特朗普总统为迫使乌克兰领导人服从而拖延两项官方行动：与乌克兰的两国国家元首会议和对乌克兰的军事拨款。这两项行动都对乌克兰和我们自己的国家利益与安全具有重大影响，其中一个行动的胁迫威力最大：特朗普总统扣留了给正在与俄罗斯交战的战略伙伴（即乌克兰，译者注）数亿美元的军事援助，以确保自己的竞选连任得到外国帮助，也就是说，用外国帮助自己在竞选中作弊。
To implement his corrupt scheme, President Trump pressured the President of Ukraine to publicly announce investigations into two discredited allegations that would benefit President Trump’s 2020 presidential campaign. When the Ukrainian president did not immediately assent, President Trump withheld two official acts to induce the Ukrainian leader to comply—a head of state meeting and military funding. Both were of great consequence to Ukraine and to our own national interest and security, but one looms largest: President Trump withheld hundreds of millions of dollars in military aid to a strategic partner at war with Russia to secure foreign help with his reelection, in other words, to cheat.
通过这样的操作，总统利用了国家权力（只有他才能独享的、而任何政治对手都无法享有的国家权力）来在我们的民主选举中占优势。他的图谋是为了一个简单而腐败的原因：帮助他在2020年选举连任。但是，他这个策划的效果是破坏了我们自由公正的选举，并使我们的国家安全处于危险之中。
In this way, the President used official state powers—available only to him and unavailable to any political opponent—to advantage himself in our democratic election. His scheme was undertaken for a simple but corrupt reason: to help him win reelection in 2020. But the effect of his scheme was to undermine our free and fair elections and place our national security at risk.
在特朗普的图谋里，乌克兰甚至不需要实际开展总统提及的政治调查，乌克兰只需要宣布这些调查。这一点有特别的意义，表明特朗普总统并不是在他被发觉作弊后辩称的那样，是为了打击腐败犯罪才要求乌克兰调查政敌。他其实对打击腐败犯罪毫无兴趣。相反，他的兴趣在于通过让乌克兰宣布完全没有根据的犯罪调查来达成自己的舞弊目的。
It was not even necessary that Ukraine undertake the political investigations the President was seeking, they merely had to announce them. This is significant, for President Trump had no interest in fighting corruption, as he would claim after he was caught. Rather, his interest was in furthering corruption, by the announcement of investigations that were completely without merit.
特朗普总统要的第一个假调查是针对前副总统乔·拜登，他曾在上届政府期间寻求撤销一名腐败的乌克兰检察官的职位。副总统当时是奉美国的官方政策行事，并得到了我们的欧洲盟友和主要国际金融机构（例如国际货币基金组织）的一致支持。
The first sham investigation that President Trump desired was into former Vice President Joe Biden, who had sought the removal of a corrupt Ukrainian prosecutor during the previous U.S. Administration. The Vice President acted in accordance with official U.S. policy at the time and was unanimously supported by our European allies and key global financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund.
置事实于不顾，特朗普总统和他的代理人仍然敦促乌克兰总统，以拜登副总统要求撤销腐败的乌克兰检察官是为了阻止对拜登儿子是董事之一的Burisma Holdings能源公司的调查为由，宣布对副总统拜登进行调查。这项指控完全无根据，已经被乌克兰和美国专家都广泛揭示为虚假指控。
Despite this fact, in the course of his scheme, President Trump and his agents pressed the Ukrainian president to announce an investigation into the false claim that Vice President Biden wanted the corrupt prosecutor removed in order to stop an investigation into Burisma Holdings, a company on whose board Biden’s son, Hunter, sat. This allegation is simply untrue, and it has been widely debunked by Ukrainian and American experts alike.
实际情况是怎样对特朗普总统无关紧要。对他而言，宣传关于前副总统拜登的负面传言的价值在于对自己的连任竞选有用，传言的真假无所谓。这是特朗普总统对他非常恐惧的一个政治对手采取的诽谤战术。
That reality mattered not to President Trump. To him, the value in promoting a negative tale about former Vice President Biden—true or false—was in its usefulness to his reelection campaign. It was a smear tactic against a political opponent that President Trump greatly feared.
有重要意义但不出意料的是，俄罗斯也一直试图支持这项抹黑拜登先生的努力。据报道，俄罗斯骇客上个星期还入侵拜登儿子担任董事之一的乌克兰能源公司，这家公司是总统的虚假宣传活动的主要对象。俄罗斯几乎可以肯定地在寻找与前副总统儿子有关的信息，以便克里姆林宫可以将其用作对拜登的攻击武器，就像2016年俄罗斯对希拉里·克林顿（Hillary Clinton）的攻击一样，当时俄罗斯入侵并公布了她的竞选委员会的电子邮件。
Remarkably but predictably, Russia too has sought to support this effort to smear Mr. Biden, reportedly hacking into the Ukrainian energy company at the center of the President’s disinformation campaign only last week. Russia almost certainly was looking for information related to the former Vice President’s son, so that the Kremlin could weaponize it against Mr. Biden, just like it did against Hillary Clinton in 2016 when Russia hacked and released emails from her presidential campaign.
特朗普总统已经非常清楚地表明，他就是想利用这种污垢对付拜登，就像他在上次总统竞选中利用被盗取的克林顿国务卿的电子邮件一样。
And President Trump has made it abundantly clear that he would like nothing more than to make use of such dirt against Mr. Biden, just as he made use of Secretary Clinton’s hacked and released emails in his previous presidential campaign.
这里我们涉及特朗普总统要求乌克兰领导人宣布的第二个虚假调查。这项调查与一个已经被揭穿的阴谋论有关，该阴谋论称是乌克兰而非俄罗斯干扰了2016年美国总统大选。这个叙事由俄罗斯情报部门传播推广，辩称是乌克兰当年试图帮助希拉里·克林顿和伤害当时的总统候选人特朗普，还称能证明这个编造的流言的计算机服务器藏在乌克兰的某个地方。这个说法就是所谓的“Crowdstrike 公司”阴谋论。
Which brings us to the other sham investigation that President Trump demanded that the Ukrainian leader announce. This investigation was related to a debunked conspiracy theory alleging that Ukraine, not Russia, interfered in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. This narrative—propagated by Russia’s intelligence services—contends that Ukraine sought to help Hillary Clinton and harm then-candidate Trump, and that a computer server proving this fiction is hidden somewhere in Ukraine. That is the so-called, “Crowdstrike” conspiracy theory.
这个传言也是虚假的。值得注意的是，该传言恰恰与美国情报机关共同体一致的评估意见相悖。美国情报机关的一致意见是俄罗斯以全面而系统的方式干扰2016年大选，旨在伤害希拉里·克林顿和帮助唐纳德·特朗普。尽管这些指控被证明是虚假指控，总统显然相信，如果乌克兰总统能够以公开声明的方式公布这些指控，会使这些指控具有可信度，消除美国人可能对他第一次大选胜利的合法性的任何疑问，帮助他的连任竞选。即使这意味着他邀请外国干扰下一次大选。
This tale is also false. And remarkably, it is precisely the inverse of the U.S. Intelligence Community’s unanimous assessment that Russia interfered in the 2016 election in sweeping and systematic fashion in order to hurt Hillary Clinton and help Donald Trump. Nevertheless, the President evidently believed that a public announcement lending credence to these allegations by the Ukrainian president could assist his reelection by putting to rest any doubts Americans may have over the legitimacy of his first election, even as he invites foreign interference in the next.
总统让另一个强国介入我国选举的作为，从大多数美国人对此跟踪注视的力度，可能最熟悉的是现在臭名昭著的总统7月25日的电话请求乌克兰总统 “先给我们一个互惠”：调查拜登和乌克兰2016年干扰美国大选的阴谋论。
To the degree most Americans have followed the President’s efforts to involve another foreign power in our election, they may be most familiar with his entreaty to the Ukrainian president on the now-infamous July 25 call to “do us a favor though” and investigate Biden and the 2016 election conspiracy theory.
但7月25日的电话并不是总统营私舞弊图谋的开端，也不是其结尾。这个电话只是特朗普总统及其盟友和同伙长达数月的努力的一部分，尽管是非常重要的一部分，他们对乌克兰施加了越来越大的压力，要求宣布两项出于政治动机的调查。特朗普政府的主要官员知悉或直接参与了该计划。正如我们昨天看到的那样，一位给总统就职典礼组织委员会的一百万美元捐助者这样说：所有主要官员都牵涉其中。
But that call was not the beginning of the story of the President’s corrupt scheme, nor was it the end. Rather it was merely part, although a very significant part, of a months-long effort by President Trump and his allies and associates who applied significant and increasing pressure on Ukraine to announce the two politically motivated investigations. Key figures in the Trump Administration were aware of or directly participated in the scheme. As we saw yesterday, one witness, a million-dollar donor to the President’s inaugural committee, put it this way, everyone was in the loop.
通过两次邀请乌克兰新总统来白宫会晤却又不提供拟议访问的具体日期，特朗普总统以这个乌克兰期盼的国家元首会晤作为乌克兰宣布调查的条件。
After twice inviting Ukraine’s new president to the White House—without providing a specific date for the proposed visit—President Trump conditioned this coveted head of state meeting on the announcement of the investigations.
待续。。。。
以下段落是谷歌自动翻译，尚未经过人工核对，尚有许多错误
对于未经任命的乌克兰新领导人来说，在椭圆形办公室与美国总统举行正式会议至关重要。在他寻求实施一个雄心勃勃的反腐败平台时，这将有助于赋予他重要的国内和国际合法性。在寻求与俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京（Vladimir Putin）达成和平协议，寻求制止俄罗斯非法吞并和继续对乌克兰部分地区进行军事占领时，美国总统的实际和表面上的支持也将加强他的立场。
For Ukraine’s new and untested leader, an official meeting with the President of the United States in the Oval Office was critical. It would help bestow on him important domestic and international legitimacy as he sought to implement an ambitious anti-corruption platform. Actual and apparent support from the President of the United States would also strengthen his position as he sought to negotiate a peace agreement with Russia’s President Vladimir Putin, seeking an end to Russia’s illegal annexation and continued military occupation of parts of Ukraine.
但最有害的是，特朗普总统以国会目的为条件，动用了数亿美元由纳税人资助的军事援助，其目的是：对乌克兰领导人施加更大压力，要求宣布调查。长期以来一直得到两党的大力支持的这种军事援助旨在帮助乌克兰捍卫自己免受克里姆林宫的侵略。超过一万五千名乌克兰人与俄罗斯军队及其代理人战斗而丧生，军事援助用于狙击步枪，火箭榴弹发射器，雷达，夜视镜和其他对战争的重要支持。
But most pernicious, President Trump conditioned hundreds of millions of dollars in congressionally appropriated, taxpayer-funded military assistance for the same purpose: to apply more pressure on Ukraine’s leader to announce the investigations. This military aid, which has long enjoyed strong bipartisan support, was designed to help Ukraine defend itself from the Kremlin’s aggression. More than fifteen thousand Ukrainians have died fighting Russian forces and their proxies, and the military aid was for such essentials as sniper rifles, rocket propelled grenade launchers, radar, night vision goggles and other vital support for the war effort.
最关键的是，我们向乌克兰提供的军事援助有助于保护和促进美国在该地区及其他地区的国家安全利益。美国对遏制俄罗斯的扩张主义怀有持久的兴趣，并且即使我们有成千上万的军队驻扎在那里，也抵制任何国家通过军事力量重塑欧洲地图的努力。而且，正如一位证人在我们进行弹each调查时所说的那样：“美国援助乌克兰和她的人民，以便他们可以在那里与俄罗斯作战，而我们不必在这里与俄罗斯作战。”
Most critically, the military aid we provide Ukraine helps to protect and advance American national security interests in the region and beyond. America has an abiding interest in stemming Russian expansionism, and resisting any nation’s efforts to remake the map of Europe by dint of military force, even as we have tens of thousands of troops stationed there. Moreover, as one witness put it during our impeachment inquiry: “The United States aids Ukraine and her people so that they can fight Russia over there, and we don’t have to fight Russia here.”
当总统的计划被揭露并且众议院适当履行其宪法责任以调查此事时，特朗普总统使用了与总司令相同的无与伦比的权力来掩饰他的不法行为。总统以前所未有的方式命令美利坚合众国整个行政部门断然彻底地阻挠众议院的弹each调查。在我们的民主制度中，从未有过如此大规模地阻挠国会弹each的行为，它是我们漫长历史上进行掩饰的最公然的努力之一。
When the President’s scheme was exposed and the House of Representatives properly performed its constitutional responsibility to investigate the matter, President Trump used the same unrivaled authority at his disposal as the Commander in Chief to cover up his wrong-doing. In unprecedented fashion, the President ordered the entire Executive Branch of the United States of America to categorically and completely obstruct the House’s impeachment inquiry. Such a wholesale obstruction of a congressional impeachment has never before occurred in our democracy, and it represents one of the most blatant efforts at a coverup in our long history.
特朗普总统滥用职权和对国会的阻挠，如果不能通过他在参议院的定罪而得到纠正，将永久改变我们政府各部门之间的力量平衡，邀请未来的总统就职，好像他们也超出了总统职务一样。问责制，国会监督和法律的范围。
If not remedied by his conviction in the Senate and removal from office, President Trump’s abuse of his office and obstruction of Congress will permanently alter the balance of power among our branches of government, inviting future presidents to operate as if they too are also beyond the reach of accountability, congressional oversight, and the law.
众议院基于他的严重不当行为，退还了对总统的两项弹articles条款。首先，指责特朗普总统以滥用个人政治利益为由，滥用了总统职务的权力，要求外国干预即将举行的总统选举；其次，特朗普总统阻碍了对这种权力滥用的弹each调查，以掩盖他的不当行为。
On the basis of his egregious misconduct, the House of Representatives returned two articles of impeachment against the President. First, charging that President Trump corruptly abused the powers of the Presidency to solicit foreign interference in the upcoming presidential election for his personal political benefit; and second that President Trump obstructed an impeachment inquiry into that abuse of power in order to cover up his misconduct.
众议院并没有轻易采取这一非同寻常的步骤。正如我们将要讨论的那样，存在弹for总统的行为远远超出了仅需在投票箱中决定的政策争端的情况，否则便没有紧迫性。
The House did not take this extraordinary step lightly. As we will discuss, impeachment exists for cases in which the conduct of the President rises far beyond mere policy disputes to be decided, otherwise and without urgency, at the ballot box.
相反，我们今天在这里考虑的是一件更加严重的事情，这是企图利用总统的权力在选举中作弊。正是由于这个原因，无法在投票箱中确定总统的不当行为，因为我们不能保证投票将获得公正的胜利。总统以腐败的方式利用他的办公室获得政治优势，以滥用该办公室的权力以危害我们的国家安全和选举完整性的方式，阻碍了对他自己的不法行为进行调查，表明他相信他是法律之上的，并且constraint视约束。
Instead, we are here today to consider a much more grave matter, and that is an attempt to use the powers of the presidency to cheat in an election. For precisely this reason, the President’s misconduct cannot be decided at the ballot box—for we cannot be assured that the vote will be fairly won. In corruptly using his office to gain a political advantage, in abusing the powers of that office in such a way as to jeopardize our national security and the integrity of our elections, in obstructing the investigation into his own wrongdoing, the President has shown that he believes that he is above the law and scornful of constraint.
此外，鉴于所涉行为的严重性及其持久性，该问题不能而且绝不能由法院裁定，除了今天的首席大法官在场外，在任何地方，弹imp都没有任何作用。或参议院。被卷入诉讼需要花费数月或数年才能完成，这将为总统提供一个继续其不当行为的机会。他将保持安全，因为他知道自己可能会像唐·麦加恩那样无限期地将国会与法院联系起来，从而使弹power权力实际上毫无意义。
Moreover, given the seriousness of the conduct at issue—and its persistence—this matter cannot and must not be decided by the courts, which, apart from the presence of the Chief Justice here today are given no role in impeachments, in either the House or the Senate. Being drawn into litigation taking many months or years to complete would provide the President with an opportunity to continue his misconduct. He would remain secure in the knowledge that he may tie up the Congress in the courts indefinitely, as he has with Don McGahn, rendering the impeachment power effectively meaningless.
我们还迈出了这一艰难的一步，知道这不是总统第一次要求外国干预我们的选举。2016年，当时的候选人特朗普恳求俄罗斯入侵其政治对手的电子邮件帐户，而俄罗斯军事情报局仅在数小时后便采取了这一行动。
We also took this difficult step with the knowledge that this was not the first time that the President solicited foreign interference in our elections. In 2016, then-candidate Trump implored Russia to hack his political opponent’s email account, something the Russian military intelligence agency then did only hours later.
总统已经明确表示这不是最后一次，只是在最近才要求中国加入乌克兰以调查其政治对手。
And the President has made it clear that it will not be the last time, asking China only recently to join Ukraine in investigating his political opponent.
在接下来的几天里，我们将向众议院议员以及美国人民展示在众议院对总统滥用职权进行弹inquiry调查期间收集的广泛证据（压倒性证据），尽管他前所未有地，全面地阻止了对这种不当行为的调查。
Over the coming days, we will present to you—and to the American people—the extensive evidence collected during the House’s impeachment inquiry into the President’s abuse of power – overwhelming evidence – notwithstanding his unprecedented and wholesale obstruction of the investigation into that misconduct.
您会听到并阅读来自勇敢的公务员的证词，尽管特朗普总统明确下令不与弹inquiry调查合作，但他们仍对《宪法》及其履行国会行动的法律义务宣誓就职。不仅如此，您还将听到约翰·博尔顿，米克·穆尔瓦尼，布莱尔先生和达菲先生等尚未作证的证人的讲话，如果我们可以相信上个月总统的讲话，您还将听到庞培秘书的讲话。 。您将与美国人民同时听到他们的证词。也就是说，如果您允许的话。如果我们有一个公正的审判。
You will hear—and read—testimony from courageous public servants who upheld their oath to the Constitution and their legal obligations to comply with congressional action, despite a categorical order by President Trump not to cooperate with the impeachment inquiry. But more than that, you will hear from witnesses who have not yet testified, like John Bolton, Mick Mulvaney, Mr. Blair, and Mr. Duffey, and if we can believe the President’s words last month — you will also hear from Secretary Pompeo. You will hear their testimony at the same time as the American people. That is, if you will allow it. If we have a fair trial.
在我们的演讲中，您将看到详细记录总统计划的文献记录，这些记录是总统无法压制的。您将了解到众议院投票弹Trump特朗普总统以来的日子里，尽管总统及其代理人坚持不懈地掩盖国会和公众的不法行为，但您将学到更多证据。
During our presentation, you will see documentary records—those the President was unable to suppress—that expose the President’s scheme in detail. You will learn of further evidence that has been revealed in the days since the House voted to impeach President Trump, even as the President and his agents have persisted in their efforts to cover up their wrongdoing from Congress and the public.
您会看到数十份新文件，这些文件将继续显示总统的罪恶感的新的重要证据，这些证据仍在他的手中，并掌握在国防部和州，管理与预算局，甚至白宫手中。您将看到它们，如果允许的话，公众也会看到它们。如果您以公平审判的名义提出要求。
And you will see dozens of new documents, providing new and critical evidence of the President’s guilt that remain in his hands, and in the hands of the Department of Defense and State, the Office of Management and Budget, even the White House. You will see them, and so will the public, if you will allow it. If, in the name of a fair trial, you will demand it.
这是政治上的时代。脾气暴躁，特别是在涉及这位总统时。但这不是独特的时代。深刻的分歧和分歧对制宪者而言几乎不是陌生的概念。因此，他们设计弹the力量的方式应尽可能地使其与党派政治的迷恋相隔离。
These are politically charged times. Tempers can run high, particularly where this President is concerned. But these are not unique times. Deep division and disagreements were hardly alien concepts to the Framers. So they designed the impeachment power in such a way as to insulate it, as best they could, from the crush of partisan politics.
策划者将撤职问题摆在美国参议院面前，该机构能够脱颖而出，以清醒的态度判断总统的作为或不当行为，仅此而已。汉密尔顿在65岁的联邦主义者中写道：
The Framers placed the question of removal before the United States Senate, a body able to rise above the fray to soberly judge the President’s conduct or misconduct for what it was—nothing more, and nothing less. In Federalist 65, Hamilton wrote:
“除了参议院以外，还有什么地方可以找到一个足够端庄或足够独立的法庭？在这种情况下，还有什么其他机构可能会感到足够的自信，以保持，不受骚扰和不受影响，在被告个人与他的原告的人民代表之间保持必要的公正性？”
“Where else than in the Senate could have been found a tribunal sufficiently dignified, or sufficiently independent? What other body would be likely to feel confidence enough in this own situation, to preserve, unawed and uninfluenced, the necessary impartiality between an individual accused, and the Representatives of the people, his accuser?”
由您担任汉密尔顿设想的法庭。您有责任向美国人民和你们自己证明他和其他创始人的信心是正确的。
It is up to you to be the tribunal that Hamilton envisioned. It is up to you to show the American people and yourselves that his confidence and that of the other Founders was rightly placed.
《宪法》赋予您担任公正的陪审员，进行公正而彻底的审判并权衡您面前证据的责任。无论您是政治派别，还是在上一次或下一次选举中的投票，您的责任都是宪法和法治。
The Constitution entrusts to you the responsibility to act as impartial jurors, to hold a fair and thorough trial, and to weigh the evidence before you. No matter your political affiliation, or your vote in the previous election or the next, your duty is to the Constitution and to the rule of law.
我认识到，在审判期间，您可能会渴望回到参议院的其他事务。美国人民期待着同样的期望，但是在您决定自己认为应该成为什么样的民主制度以及美国人民在其总统的行为上有权期望的民主之前，就不会这样。
I recognize that there will be times during the trial that you may long to return to other business of the Senate. The American people look forward to the same—but not before you decide what kind of democracy you believe we ought to be, and what the American people have a right to expect in the conduct of their President.
众议院认为，公正的陪审员在听到经理人将在未来几天进行裁员的证据后，会发现宪法要求将唐纳德·J·特朗普从他担任美国总统的职位上免职。但这将由您决定，并由您来承担历史的重任，正如肯尼迪总统曾经说过的那样，“良心良知是您唯一的肯定回报。”
The House believes that an impartial juror, upon hearing the evidence that the Managers will lay out in the coming days, will find that the Constitution demands the removal of Donald J. Trump from his office as President of the United States. But that will be for you to decide, with the weight of history upon you, and, as President Kennedy once said, “a good conscience your only sure reward.”